Archaeologists research the evolution of human civilization from the era of our distant ancestors to the present. An abundance of historical data is derived from artifacts and historical locations. The items and materials that humans in the past created and utilized are known as artifacts. Sites are collections of these artifacts that signify the locations of past human habitations and activities. The primary method by which archaeologists get information about the past is the process of finding, evaluating, and interpreting objects and locations. Most commonly, archeological items are found by mistake.
Prehistoric artifacts are frequently discovered during building and excavation projects; farmers and outdoor enthusiasts also find artifacts. The prehistory of their local locations is generally quite well-known to amateur archaeologists, who also regularly discover sites when out on field walks. Reporting these discoveries to a nearby historical organization, museum, or institution is imperative. Sharing the history is too significant to ignore. A large portion of the data collection for archaeological research involves fieldwork that aims to identify artifacts and places, in addition to accidental discoveries. There are sites and artifacts both above and below the surface. In professional field archaeology, the main methods of finding artifacts are surveys and excavations.
Finding archeological sites is influenced by what is previously known about a place’s history, ecology, and topography. Archaeologists review pertinent literature on the historical period and site of interest before starting fieldwork. This research shows where we now stand in terms of knowledge, highlights gaps in our understanding, and provides guidance for future investigations. Such library study is also necessary to make sure that comparable investigations haven’t previously been finished.
The next step is to visit other archaeological organizations, including museums or university departments, or the local historical society, as these places have records of the region. These organizations often maintain archives including details on the locations and contents of well-known historical and archeological sites. An examination of those archives reveals the kinds of locations that are previously recognized, as well as maybe their size and the overall content of the artifacts. Talking with interested parties and amateur archaeologists in the area might yield further helpful information.
The Pine Ridge Sioux tribe had been embroiled in a battle for almost forty years, which was brought to light by the unrest at Wounded Knee. The Indian Reorganization Act gave the tribe the right to draft a written constitution in 1935, which included an elected tribal council to represent reservation regions. Similar to other Plains tribes, the Sioux had a centralized administration; instead, the many Siouxspeaking groups were composed of individual bands or camps centered around one or more chiefs.
Without intervention from outside the group, decisions were made locally. The camp system was replaced by an elected council, such as the one formed under the 1935 constitution, which did not provide for conventional leadership. In general, the elder elders abstained from participating in elections for tribe representatives and declined to cast ballots in a tribal referendum that adopted the constitution. Although the purpose of these refusals was to show displeasure, the result was to give individuals of the tribe who were not fluent in the Sioux language, were frequently of mixed ancestry, and had partially acclimated to the white political system power over tribal affairs. Pine Ridge had seen unrest every year since 1935.
Tribal leaders were often accused of financial mismanagement, of showing partiality to family members while being indifferent to others, and of generally behaving in an un-Indian manner. A local conflict was the cause of the explosion that transformed Wounded Knee, a little village, into an armed camp. The current tribal chairman was the target of impeachment proceedings, and after they failed, his opponents turned to the American Indian Movement (AIM) for moral assistance. This national Indian group has been in the forefront of several previous protest situations in addition to the Washington issue. And now it was to play a paradoxical role in South Dakota.
The AIM leaders demanded that the bureaucracy remove the Pine Ridge tribal chairman and repeal the 1935 constitution, despite having previously fought against bureaucratic control over Indian lives and property. The demand was made to the Secretary of the Interior, who did not have the jurisdiction to intervene in either case. However, if he had done so, the last remaining semblance of a tribe’s sovereign ability to self-govern would have disappeared. The threat of force did not turn into the wanton use of force, even though the federal government brought in men and weapons, built a cordon to contain the occupants of the community, and two Indians were killed and one government official was injured by gunfire from both sides.
After many weeks, the besieged Indians consented to lay down their weapons and leave the area, but when it came time to transfer their arsenal, just a few rusted shotguns and other dubious-looking weaponry showed up. Those with functional guns had absconded throughout the night, taking their weapons with them. It was an ancient Indian custom.